The manufacturing of African print textiles has shifted to China in the 21st century. While they are widely consumed in African countries 青瓜视频� and symbolic of the continent 青瓜视频� the rise of 青瓜视频渕ade in China青瓜视频� has undermined the African women traders who have long shaped the retail and distribution of this cloth.
For many decades , the Dutch textile group which traces its origins to 1846 and whose products had been supplied to west Africa by European trading houses since the late 19th century, dominated manufacture of the cloth. But in the last 25 years dozens of factories in China have begun to supply African print textiles to west African markets. Qingdao Phoenix Hitarget Ltd, Sanhe Linqing Textile Group and Waxhaux Ltd are among the best known.
We conducted to establish how the rise of Chinese-made cloth has affected the African print textiles trade. We focused on Togo. Though it青瓜视频檚 a tiny country with a population of , the capital city, Lom茅, is the trading hub in west Africa for the textiles.
We conducted over 100 interviews with traders, street sellers, port agents or brokers, government officials and representatives of manufacturing companies to learn about how their activities have changed.
青瓜视频淢ade in China青瓜视频� African print textiles are substantially cheaper and more accessible to a wider population than Vlisco fabric. Our market observations in Lom茅青瓜视频檚 famous Assigam茅 market found that Chinese African print textiles cost about 9,000 CFA (US$16) for six yards 青瓜视频� one complete outfit. Wax Hollandais (50,000 CFA or US$87) cost over five times more.
Data is hard to come by, but our estimates suggest that 90% of imports of these textiles to Lom茅 port in 2019 came from China.
One Togolese trader summed up the attraction: 青瓜视频淲ho could resist a cloth that looked similar, but that cost much less than real Vlisco?青瓜视频�
Our research shows how the rise of China manufactured cloth has undermined Vlisco青瓜视频檚 once dominant market share as well as the monopoly on the trade of Dutch African print textiles that Togolese traders once enjoyed.
The traders, known as Nana-Benz because of the expensive cars they drove, once enjoyed an economic and political significance disproportionate to their small numbers. Their political influence was such that they were key backers of Togo青瓜视频檚 first 青瓜视频� himself a former director of the United Africa Company, which distributed Dutch cloth.
In turn, Olympio and long-term leader General Gnassingb茅 Eyad茅ma provided policy favours 青瓜视频� such as low taxes 青瓜视频� to support trading activity. In the 1970s, African print textile trade was considered as significant as the phosphate industry 青瓜视频� .
Nana-Benz have since been displaced 青瓜视频� their numbers falling from 50 to about 20. Newer Togolese traders 青瓜视频� known as Nanettes or 青瓜视频渓ittle Nanas青瓜视频� 青瓜视频� have taken their place. While they have carved out a niche in mediating the textiles trade with China, they have lower economic and political stature. In turn, they too are increasingly threatened by Chinese competition, more recently within trading and distribution as well.
China displaces the Dutch
Dating back to the colonial period, African women traders have played essential roles in the wholesale and distribution of Dutch cloth in west African markets. As many countries in the region attained independence from the 1950s onwards, Grand March茅 青瓜视频� or Assigam茅 青瓜视频� in Lom茅 became the hub for African print textile trade.
While neighbouring countries such as Ghana limited imports as part of efforts to promote domestic industrialisation, Togolese traders secured favourable conditions. These included low taxes and use of the port.
Togolese women traders knew the taste of predominantly female, west African customers better than their mostly male, Dutch designers. The Nana-Benz were brought into the African print textile production and design process, selecting patterns and giving names to designs they knew would sell.
They acquired such wealth from this trade that they earned the Nana-Benz nickname from the cars they purchased and which they used to collect and move merchandise.
Nana-Benz exclusivity of trading and retailing of African print textiles cloth in west African markets has been disrupted. As Vlisco has responded to falling revenues 青瓜视频� over 30% in the first five years of the 21st century 青瓜视频� due to its Chinese competition, Togolese traders青瓜视频� role in the supply chain of Dutch cloth has been downgraded.
In response to the flood of Chinese imports, the Dutch manufacturer re-positioned itself as a luxury fashion brand and placed greater focus on the marketing and distribution of the textiles.
Vlisco has opened several boutique stores in west and central Africa, starting with Cotonou (2008), Lom茅 (2008) and Abidjan (2009). The surviving Nana-Benz 青瓜视频� an estimated 20 of the original 50 青瓜视频� operate under contract as retailers rather than traders and must follow strict rules of sale and pricing.
While newer Togolese traders known as Nanettes are involved in the sourcing of textiles from China, they have lower economic and political stature. Up to 60 are involved in the trade.
Former street sellers of textiles and other petty commodities, Nanettes began travelling to China in the early to mid-2000s to source African print textiles. They are involved in commissioning and advising on the manufacturing of African print textiles in China and the distribution in Africa.
While many Nanettes order the common Chinese brands, some own and market their own. These include what are now well-known designs in Lom茅 and west Africa such as 青瓜视频淔emme de Caract猫re青瓜视频�, 青瓜视频淏inta青瓜视频�, 青瓜视频淧restige青瓜视频�, 青瓜视频淩ebecca Wax青瓜视频�, 青瓜视频淕MG青瓜视频� and 青瓜视频淗omeland青瓜视频�.
Compared to their Nana-Benz predecessors, the Nanettes carve out their business from the smaller pie available from the sale of cheaper Chinese cloth. Though the volumes traded are large, the margins are smaller due to the much lower final retail price compared to Dutch cloth.
After procuring African print textiles from China, Nanettes sell wholesale to independent local traders or 青瓜视频渟ellers青瓜视频� as well as traders from neighbouring countries. These sellers in turn break down the bulk they have purchased and sell it in smaller quantities to independent street vendors.
All African print textiles from China arrive in west Africa as an incomplete product 青瓜视频� as six-yard or 12-yard segments of cloth, not as finished garments. Local tailors and seamstresses then make clothes according to consumer taste. Some fashion designers have also opened shops where they sell pr锚t-脿-porter (ready-to-wear) garments made from bolts of African print and tailored to local taste. Thus, even though the monopoly of the Nana-Benz has been eroded, value is still added and captured locally.
Since the COVID-19 pandemic, Chinese actors have become more involved in trading activity 青瓜视频� and not just manufacturing. The further evolution of Chinese presence risks an even greater marginalisation of locals, already excluded from manufacturing, from the trading and distribution end of the value chain. Maintaining their role 青瓜视频� tailoring products to local culture and trends and linking the formal and informal economy 青瓜视频� is vital not just for Togolese traders, but also the wider economy.
, Reader, Global Development Institute, and , Postdoctoral fellow, Duke Africa Initiative,
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